|الديمقراطية جمهورية أفريقيا Democratic Republic of Africa|
|Anthem||أفريقيا اسلمي يا / Be Safe, O' Africa|
|Political centres||Cairo, Algiers, Tunis|
|Official language(s)||Arabic (official), English, Russian, French, Italian, Turkish, Hebrew, Other Native languages|
|Member states||Libya, Sudan, Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria, Chad, Niger|
|President||Abd Manaf Hassan|
|Prime minister||Nadir Issawi|
|Other officials||Elder Haddaoui, Calypso Industries Board of Directors Chairman Khaleel Al-Enezi, Calypso Industries Board of Directors Vice-Chairman Imen Halabi|
|Population||374,203,000 (2120 census)|
|World superpower ranking||9|
|Main exports||Biodiesel, Minerals (iron, precious metals), Cocoa mass and butter, Mercenaries|
|HDI||Medium to Low|
|Controlling power|| |
|Government type||Timocratic Plutocracy|
|Preceding political entities||New African Alliance|
|Average crime rate||high|
Sector VII Upper African Zone, officially entitled the Democratic Republic of Africa (Arabic: الديمقراطية جمهورية أفريقيا), is a world political zone located in the upper African continent.
During the majority of its existence it has lacked any form of stable government, which due to the nature of capitalism and the power it grants to rich landowners has led to the zone becoming a plutocracy. For the most of the sector's history, the nation had been governed by a singular archaic super corporation, Calypso Industries.
Largely due to extremely relaxed immigration laws with no real enforced distinction between class and race, the sector has become a collection ground for political refugees from many other countries that have managed to escape the brutality of their home countries, including a large number of Georgians and Azerbaijanis from Sector II, Arabs from Sector VI and the Sector I middle eastern colony, as well as countless other demographics from practically every nation in the world.
Block 441 was located within sector VII's historical boundaries (A small region of which is now denoted as the Liberated Union of Upper African Republics), the secretive headquarters of Ghost_K itself, seeing the demographical make-up of the nation as most logically adequate for their future aspirations.
Whilst superficially stable, in recent history the sector's unity has come under the overwhelming threats economic failure, nationalism, corporate separatism and revolutionary groups of varying extremism and ideologies, and in some cases the region remains unified only by singular agreements between the directing corporations and their parliaments.
With the economical stress trigged by the world energy crisis of 2038 the core of Africa's economical prowess, the New African Alliance, had crumbled. The continent of Africa was to once again enter an era of deeply afflicted political strife.
A New Idealist State
With the New African Alliance and the so-called "African Aristocracy" of the richest Africans falling out of the picture by the close of the decade, the four geopolitical administration zones which made up the unified continent broke apart into several factions headed by their own independent rulers. Within mere days of the Alliance's green flag being dismounted from their poles, the red and white standard of the African People's Union of Lower Africa was already flying proudly, with South Africa and Namibia having undergone a communist revolution guiding itself towards becoming a fully self-sufficient maoist socialist nation. The revolution was to soon spread to almost the entire southern coast of the continent. The central two regions of the former alliance splintered into many dozens of warring nations, remaining unchanged until the present date save several invasions and localised revolutions.
Stranded in the open, the upper, richer portion of Africa had fallen into a brief period of political nothingness. With all government and industrial institutions ruined by debt, booming inflation, poor export returns and endemic corruption, large scores of African people began to realise the futility of the state apparatus, inevitably resulting in what would become the largest general strike of workers in several decades. Despite remaining largely desensitised and oblivious to the exploitative capabilities of monetary systems themselves, decentralised radical left-wing parties and mobs motivated both politically and circumstantially took to the streets. Unions once deemed illegal had grown powerful in the years past, joining hands with their working class comrades and funded the seizure of local workplaces and public services, and in the case of the nations of Niger and Chad, even the state governments themselves, as their original inhabitants fled the country in fear of being subject to poverty or being purged by workers.
To many, the Paris Commune was born again on African shores, however something grave loomed in the distance for these briefly empowered workers. Riding on a tide of naïvety, the son of a deceased biodiesel tycoon by the name Asil al Wjesm took to the fore of the largest left-wing group within all of Upper Africa, the International Socialist Party, transforming it into a vanguard party with his enormous inheritance. Inspired by the progressive potential of the otherwise exploitative excuse for mass slavery so recently in ruins - the New African Alliance - al Wjesm renamed his party the Transitional-Socialist Party of Upper Africa, and set about to instil zero government, social capitalism, and voluntaryism into every community he and his comrades were capable of affecting, ultimately seeking to better the african population through peaceful reform and negation of the existing state and corporate entities as appose to violent revolution. Despite losing over half of their members, aided by his generous spending, unchanging self belief in his own morality, his forceful, inspiring manner and rare ability to persuade and embolden others, his trans-socialist party still became a vastly influential and effective political force.
Following the split, there came into existence two major left wing forces that dominated the region: the International Socialists, focussed on permanent revolution, abolition of capitalism, establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat, and the dismantling of all state and corporate institutions through force; and the Transitional Socialists, focussing on a peaceful as possible reformation of the capitalist system and the establishment of social democracy through reconstitution of existing state institutions and integration with corporations deemed "appropriate for cooperation".
Creating a state of the art privatised military-police force and subsequently hiring them for purposes of ensuring protection, the trans-socialist party was to soon seek the aid of local corporations not yet influenced by their regime.
However apoliticism was still rife within the fair majority of African workers, causing conflict to burn intensely between the two major socialist parties in their efforts to out-grow the other. With every worker adopted under the banner of a union or collectivised workplace, several more remained willingly chained by long, underpaid hours simply to make a living, too frightened to delve into "extremism" in fear it'd permanently stain their reputations and abilities to find a livelihood in the eyes of the law and business.
In denial of any negotiations with his opposing party, al Wjesm took drastic action to increase his own party's strength, utterly ignorant to the damage he was to inflict as he compromised their goals and enlistment criteria to attract a wider, less politically motivated audience, one that did not even require to be even the slightest politically informed and instead motivated by the romanticism of a change for the better.
These changed proved surprisingly successful. Whilst the International Socialists attempted to maintain their numbers, the Trans-Socialists grew in numbers greatly.
Within days, an inheritor to a considerable share of the New African biodiesel production infrastructure and wealth contacted al Wjesm: a young and fruitful Calypso Industries. The company was to soon establish the Sector VII Upper Africa Zone. With absolutely no sectoral government officially in place, Calypso Industries took the liberty to govern the zone itself with the aid of al Wjesm and his party. Al Wjesm was quickly made the vice president of the new company, a position of which he jumped for in the hope it'd establish ties with more corporations and ultimately further Upper Africa toward a transitional socialist utopia and the betterment of the African people as a whole.
Social and Structural Reforms
|“||High concept will be the bricks and mortar of this new utopia. Our apartment complexes won't fit hundreds of families, they'll fit thousands. A worker doesn't need a home, all he needs is a shelter. If we can sell him on the idea of shelter, you'll make billions, [...] his off-time will be short and efficient, relaxing instead on the way to work [...] he won't need water, electricity, or even a kitchen. We'll condition them to eat at the factory.||”|
–Anonymous economist to the Calypso Industries board of directors several months into the foundation of the Sector VII Upper African Zone
With al Wjesm removed from the public light and all of its issues, sitting more and more comfortably in his position of a capitalist elite as he attended fine restaurants and shared space with the noblest of worldly officials, he slowly became desensitised to the issues of daily life. However, his reputation soared. Attending photo shoots, filmed interviews and public functions, al Wjesm became a celebrity, being painted as a saviour of the people and hero of the working class. The trans-socialist party of Upper Africa became so overloaded with membership applications that their servers crashed for hours on end, inspiring Calypso industries to offer them a much more well-equipped place in one of their office complexes.
Initial plans on the founding date envisioned the sector as a prosperous social capitalist utopia, promising the people "total freedom from all state affairs" where they would be able to "live and work free of oppression, poverty and hierarchies." Vast plans were drawn up predicting the development of state of the art apartment complexes, retail complexes, factories, workplaces, public schools and universities, with a vast interlocked transportation network fitted with five-star onboard accommodation and relaxation services.
News of these reforms were broadcasted to the public. Rich capital owners, their sheltered descendants, and other free trade enthusiasts continent-wide rejoiced, happily accepting the time of capitalism's long-overdue reform. The politically indifferent majority appeared temporarily attracted by the allures of free services and objects, as well as the rare and generationally-cherished freedom from oppressive governments only recently attained. Leftist riots and strikes rose sharply outside of the quickly growing numbers of al Wjesm's "stylish" vanguard party, but most of these failed to receive any accurate press coverage, any support from what few powerful unions that actually had the guts to stand their ground to pursue the path of violent revolution, or any lenience from policing. The latter of the opposition became a threat primarily after strikes were declared illegal without permits; permits which were far to expensive and constrictive to actually be obtained and put to good use by workers. Whilst initially popular with politically aware workers and union members, most strikes normally ran out of funds within several weeks before the pickets either lost confidence, ran out of money due to poor union funding, or in the case of smaller riots were beaten into submission by police.
As compensation for the failed riots, many union members were given apology tablet computers before being immediately instructed to get back to work.
All amongst this chaos, the only perceived force of good that remained legal and accessible was the Transitional Socialist Party. The International Socialists became a backwater organisation, and all hope for a true worker's state clouded into impossibility. The ambiguity of al Wjesm's policies opened the gates for corporate betrayal. As al Wjesm's private military police found itself re-hired by Calypso Industries at much higher rates of pay, the Trans-Socialist party was in one foul swoop rendered toothless in its time of greatest prosperity. It was now entirely under the boot of the bloating Calypso Industries.
News of this public reaction came as a great shock to Asil al Wjesm, a man still greatly concerned for the welfare of the African people despite his failed methods to demonstrate such, and he found himself becoming subjugated to a spreading cult of personality throughout non-transitional socialist supporting leftist groups that demonised him as a traitor to the people. In his attempts to host an urgent meeting with his fellow officials at the Calypso Industries headquarters to recall all the ills they had committed against the African people, the man found an unlikely end to his life through the ingestion of deliberately poisoned company-catered food. His death was marked as an accident, and he forever rose to the position of a hero to the ignorant masses.
Outside of these "minor threats to public safety", public reaction was at a promising high, and construction soon began. However, many of these ideas failed to even be implemented. The industrial sector witnessed overgrown development, with housing and some education facilities tailing behind, all before the planned debt ceiling was reached. Rather than bet on gradual sustainable development, political and economical experts were hired (primarily of American and European origin) by Calypso's board of directors in an effort to resolve the situation.
In fact of immediately, the political scientists ridiculed the development, calling the very concept of Socialist Capitalism a philosophical joke. Four of them were immediately expelled from the board room before the fifth and final remaining stepped forward commenting on the dire nature of their situation, yet claiming that he was capable of finding a solution. He made note of the population's already stirring reaction upon the realisation of their utter lack of voice in national affairs, and that this would threaten the stability of the nation.
A rudimentary parliament was constructed as per the rough notepad-etched plans of the political scientist, intended to give the people a sense of power and to act as a scapegoat in the event of a financial or social hiccup. Religious and cultural institutions were also given funding (with borrowed money) to place the company under a more positive light. Initially powerless, it would not be until several decades later with off-shore sponsored riots and strikes where the governments would be entitled to any true legislative power, allowing corporatism to boom utterly unbridled by red tape.
The economists on the other hand were quick to sell the idea of a working economy, claiming that the working man need only a shelter, and that the bulk of his existence was either working or sleeping. Whilst some of their ideas existed permanently on whiteboards due to their unrealistically radical nature, most were taken onboard. Fearing for his life, the political scientist said nothing of his own views upon hearing this, instead leaving the building at the close of the working day with his weighty pay packet in hand.
With the born existence of this capitalist dictatorship, the parliament began to hold heated elections. These were often deliberately tampered with to keep trusted individuals in power, or to create interesting conflicts within the majorities of votes to both stimulate the media and to stray away any possible suspicion of a superimposed party playing a part.
Following this restructure, further reforms occurred at later dates. A major crackdown on the various social security nets was carried out, thinning-out the availability of welfare to the populace with claims that it bred apathy within the working class. These reforms had no noticeable positive effects, however crime rates, public nutrition service applicants and malnutrition rates rose significantly. These were all reported as the inevitable effects of the "shockingly low" unemployment rates.
The minimum wage also slumped in an attempt to encourage the poor to work for better jobs, thus "leaving room for more unemployed to apply for work in low-tier jobs". This proved fruitless in achieving anything, instead heightening the continent's poverty, as public fear of unemployment increased the lack of workers' bargaining abilities when faced with their demanding employers.
Rise to Power
As the years progressed, and with all potentially threatening left wing movements under control, the the political zone came to be heavily entrenched under the yoke of Calypso Industries, using its almost exclusive rights over northern African land to righteously retain its position of power through threats of eviction to any who did not support them. In worse cases, this also included the cutting off of power and water supplies to the inhabitants, or even outright demolition within the full public view.
With public resistance at a constant standstill, the organisation set out to completely eliminate all other biodiesel competition within Africa. Decades passed, and the organisation's influence had risen to the point where it reached deep into every developed nation of the world, establishing a multi-national network of exclusive Calypso biodiesel stations. Eventually, this led to Calypso industries and the puppet nation beneath it powerful both economically and influentially.
Dissolution and Stagnation
This system continued for an extended period of time before a sudden conflict within the corporation by the close of 2118. The organisation's board of directors had dissolved through an aggressive negotiation, forcing governmental control within the sector to swing heavily towards the Upper African Parliament as the corporation above them splintered. The Upper African economy suffered detrimentally from the vacuum of organised power, with the nation entering a major recession.
In the years following, the Upper African Parliament rose in power considerably, having seen marginal legislative grants and cratefuls of strangely anonymous funding over the years to allow them to grow. Calypso was forced to operate as a partner rather than a domineering force as its own political power withered away. The United Islamic Party becomes the leading force of the entire sector, owning a majority of seats for the following three years.
By the new year, Elder Khoury had come to power, who through his forgiving and charismatic leadership gains the heavy support of the upper African people. With Khoury in power, the sector entered a period of relative productivity, however his life met a sudden conclusion in the aftermath of a successful assassination attempt by his deputy, Elder Duma in an effort to tighten the bonds between Calypso Industries and the official government and assume power as dictator.
In the year 2121, Duma was assassinated by an unknown individual during a security breach. As of now, Calypso Industries has been dissolved, with its assets partially taken over by Ghost_K. The nation has continually governed itself through the Upper African Parliament.
Until 2121, the economic centre of Sector VII was Cairo in Egypt, with the metropolis holding the official title as sector capital, however the cultural centre (as well as the location of the Elder Sanctuary responsible for the holding of oligarchic meetings) was located within the city of Tunis, Tunisia.
By March 2121, after damages to the Tunis Elder Sanctuary caused by a terrorist attack by Ghost_K operatives, the sanctuary was moved to the Algiers metropolis by the north-western Calypso industries cell, the last of its kind that still retained some aspects of political sway.
A nation often seen as the first candidate to protest for independence from sectoral rule (most likely through coup d'etat rather than referendum), the agriculturally fertile and largely Christian-aligned southern regions of Chad have withdrawn from all ties with the weakening Calypso industries, (An example of such indicated by workers' strikes existing for the first time in several decades both in massive numbers and lasting for whole days without prosecution ) leaving the vastly deserted northern Chad within the grasp of the corporation. Climactically unsuitable for the production of first and second generation biodiesel, the northern portion of the nation has become home to little but isolated algae crops. Throughout its period of sectoral membership the recognised Chadian Government has been armed heavily against competing groups through large Calypso industries funds, however its recent seclusion and forced autonomy has had all grants lifted. It currently survives in refuge on hoards of old weapons and supplies, whilst rebel groups and regional warlords remain at large.
Devastated by the collapse of the New African alliance, the Egyptian Parliament's debt was bought out by the growing Calypso industries, dramatically spurring a cancerously prominent bourgeoisie perversion of the state. By the year 2116, there was not a single representative within the house that was not a supporter of a Calypso Industries-aligned company. With the dissolution of the first Calypso Industries first internally in 2118 and through the Ghost_K terrorist attack of 2121, the numbers supporting Egypt's government all but ceased to exist, as its representatives either resigned from governmental duty or migrated out of the country. A provisional government was formed by Issawi Renewable Energy, where it now serves as a sub-division of the Upper African Sectoral Parliament and operates as a legislative and bureaucratic tool for the corporation, as well as a means of indirectly controlling Policing and Military forces in exchange for continual support.
The founder of the nation's controlling organisation, Nadir Issawi, has been the long-standing prime minister of both the Egyptian and Sectoral parliaments, a position which predates his corporate affiliations, and personally wishes to see the return of an Egyptian national identity amongst its strong ties with the Egyptian capitalist elite. He is also keen supporter of Libyan and Sudanese independence, having personally stored away funds to support (and if necessary, manipulate) localised revolutions when they arise. Furthermore, he plans to deny all non-Issawi allied states access to the Egyptian Armed Forces, starving them from the only genuinely capable military force within the entire sector.
Independent from the Sector in all but name and contract history with Calypso Industries, the nation of Libya has benefited and exploited heavily from the economical benefits sector-hood, having in the past faced drastic falls in its economy due to dwindling oil and gas reserves (of which swallowed a great 80% of all gross domestic product), a lack of institutions, weak governance, and structural unemployment. Under the reign of Calypso industries, these problems were fixed immediately, with the corporation taking the reigns of governance as a favour towards Libyan parliament. With its economy restructured vastly to accommodate the production of biodiesel in addition to expanded public services and housing facilities to decrease its reliance on immigrant workers. With the recent collapse of the once great biodiesel corporation it relied on, the Libyan Calypso Industries national board of directors all resigned from the company, founding the new Libyan-run Lotus Bio Energy in its place, leaving them free to carry out many important fiscal and economic reformations. Whilst Lotus Bio Energy is removed from sectoral duties due to it having only a client status in regards to the rest of the sector, it actively exploits unrestricted access to the Egyptian Armed Forces and UASDF, and can at any time demand financial aid in the event of economical strife both fictional and minor alike. These privileges appear to be allowed by Calypso industries in an attempt to secure Lotus Bio Energy's loyalty, but in reality the Egyptian Government itself has had the final say in allowing Libya access to its armed forces.
The nation has good relations with both Calypso Industries controlled Northwest Africa and the nation of Egypt.
Officially a long-standing member of Sector VII, the Sudanese government has remained supportive purely due to religious and economic ties with the rest of the sector, providing little in the way of aiding joint military ventures, and with its partnership with the solely Sudanese Najjar Renewable Energy Projects, it finds itself free from administrative obligations such as financial support. Whilst acting in the best interest of the controlling Najjar Renewable, the crimes against humanity the corporation commits against its populace has led to a constant indecisiveness between remaining allied to the company for personal profit and Sudanese economical and infrastructural stability, or instead favouring the people for electoral power in the face of a perhaps financially doomed Calypso Industries clone. The full strength of the nation's military remains constantly unobtainable due to a ceaseless hostility with South Sudan, a choice of which has often damaged its reputation as a region worthy of sectoral support. Despite this, these claims are held in good stead by the nation's rulers, for they, like Egypt, wish for freedom from sectoral influence as they align themselves closer and closer to their allies in the north.
Since the rise of Calypso industries, the King of Morocco and his successors have remained loyal supporters of the company and its interests. One of the richer regions of Sector VII, its infrastructure and trading ports have assured ties with both Calypso Industries and the European Commonwealth, In particular Spain and Portugal, and is often cited as the last remaining port throughout all of the upper African coast to purchase cheap, high-quality biodiesel in plentiful amounts. Due an economical prosperity born from its ties with Calypso industries, Morocco remains loyally aligned with Calypso Industries.
Rife to the brim with chaos, violence, corruption and provincial separatism, Niger remains allied only by use of military force, and remains a useful source of cheap labour for its controlling Calypso Industries and client Ousmane Renewable Energy.
The Gambia has stalled at official integration into the sector due to fears of loss of sovereignty. However existing trade treaties have rendered the Gambia to be almost completely integrated into the sectors economy.
Ravaged by disease and poverty, Guinea continually exports gold, diamonds, bauxite, and aluminium which enables ts economy to remain somewhat afloat.
Survives primarily from the export of various foods. However, the country remains one of the poorest in Africa.
Continued Tuareg separatism has hampered Mali's further incorporation into Sector VII, although this hasn't stopped Calypso Industries from holding enormous political sway in the country, with its government being comprised of various corporate technocrats and military colonels.
Closely aligned with Calypso Industries, Mauritania has continued to suffer from poverty, drought, and a string of military governments. Slavery remains rampant despite government claims to the contrary.
The decline of petroleum sales has seen Nigeria's ethnic and religious differences boil over into frequent conflict which has damaged the country's chance from attaining furthering status as a constituent country in the sector. However successive military governments supported by Sector VII's primary corporate masters have seen the country's large population used as a workforce in various mining and biofuel projects.
Political stability and economic growth have singled out Senegal as a prime candidate to be incorporated into the sector proper.
Disease and conflict has meant that Sierra Leone retains one of the lowest life expectancies in the world, with its primary exports being blood diamonds.
In an adherent pro-sector fashion, on the foundation day of the sector the call for an anthem was discussed. Whilst many choices were touched upon, eventually the melody from the aged national anthem of the Kingdom of Egypt was adapted to new lyrics to represent the sector.
The official lyrics of the anthem are to state with no national favouritism "Be safe, O' Africa", however as of the result of a recent national referendum, presently many versions see instead the replacement of "Africa" with the name of the local nation, whilst the broadcasting of individual state anthems has been left entirely unrestricted.
The rise of nationalism within the past decade has seen less and less sectoral unity, and subsequently, the anthem has all but begun to fade out of recognition.
Unions of Sector VII
The nation is governed on a basis of its individual state nations working together through a representative democracy working in conjunction with an Islamic oligarchy of "Elders", essentially glorified Imams, who are chosen through a variety of religious and traditional regimes.
There are six political parties within the Upper African parliament officially categorised as major parties.
- Nationalist Party of Arab Africa
A right-wing (and officially "conservative") party with a heavily pro-national and anti-sectoral agenda, viewing sectors as the antithesis to patriotism and national identities. Greatly popular with the Egyptian and Libyan population, the NPAA actively supports the interests of Lotus Bio Energy and Issawi Renewable Energy. They furthermore restrict the immigration of non-arab people, rejects marriage equality as a social issue, rejects elemental freedom, supports secularism (i.e. total abolition of the Elder Sanctuary's political power), and views strikes and trade unions as a threat to public security. A long-term agenda also includes freeing the neighbouring Sector VI Arabian Zone from monarchist and sectoral rule to stimulate Lotus and Issawi corporate agendas in the region. Since the recent election, they retain 42% of seats within the parliament, managing to scrape a majority against the long-standing United Islamic Party. The party is led by president Abd Manaf Hassan and prime minister Nadir Issawi.
- United Islamic Party
Also referred to as the "Elder party" in regards to the Elder Sanctuary it owns and operates, the UIP is a right-wing party that heavily pushes the importance of religion in governmental and daily life and to preserve true Islamic tradition, values and culture within upper Africa. Whilst fervently against marriage equality, womens' and workers' rights, and state secularism, the UIP remain fairly neutral toward sectoral issues, non-arab immigration (on the premise that they accept the Upper African culture and values) and attitudes towards elementals. The UIP has long worked in the favour of Calypso Industries, serving the company's interests in maintaining the sectoral system to allow the exploitation of less fortunate sectoral nations without legal restrictions or spurring any allegations of invasion or exploitation of third world nations, however their disagreements with the Liberal party has prevented any sort of coalition being formed to give the corporation a majority over sectoral parliament. They retain 30% of all seats.
- Pan-National Liberal Party
An officially centre-right party that upholds personal liberty and freedom, the PNLP retains a comparatively quiet stance toward boycotting equal rights, immigration and elemental restrictions and secularism when compared to the more vocal Nationalist Party. Heavily supports corporate agendas, and aligns itself greatly with Calypso Industries. Retain 21% of seats.
- Upper African Labor Party
An officially centre-left party that advertises itself as pro-working class, with promises to legalise (reform-friendly) unions, lower unemployment, raise wages and cheapen education, however the party has become something akin to a slightly different version of the Liberals. The UALP has never had a majority of seats in the entire history of the sector, and has recently resorted to opportunistically propping up and and every corporation that seek to aid them in order to gain economic favour, as well as garnering the interest of the working class to win votes. They retain 5% of all seats.
- ANCAP Party
Originally known as the Economic and Personal Freedom Party of the Upper African Working Men and Women, the ANCAP party is a political party endorsed primarily by Calypso Industries that supports full corporate freedom and minimal government intervention. Has been caught multiple times buying votes and fixing poll statistics. They are regarded as the runt of the parliament, and is used as a staple scapegoat and fear-mongering tool by the other ruling parties. Retains less than 1% of all seats in Parliament, and is often further slammed in this regard for having barely enough seats to be classed as a major party.
- Social Democracy Party
A leftist party that seeks to change Upper Africa through mass reforms to the government and economical system, including minimum and maximum wages, higher average wages, social security nets, free education, legalised unions, marriage equality and equal pay for women. Their hostile stance to corporatism has become a magnet for attacks against them from rival parties, as well as earning them total ignorance from all major Upper African corporations. They are referred to as a communist threat (or often in a "tough love" term of closet Stalinists) by the Liberals, Nationalists and UIP, and to truly left-wing radical groups as reform friendly pseudo revolutionaries and stay-at-home socialists.
Whilst this democracy is currently officially in practice, any true power is dispersed and difficult to pin down effectively. Since the dawn of the 2030's there has been no true superimposed unifying governmental system, with the parliament being divided in both political unity and alignment to major corporations. Whilst the Elder Sanctuary and other religious institutions do retain some power (over the people in particular), the current course of historical events and structural make-up of the nation has led to becoming that of a timocracy, where the largest landowners participate in government. Whilst this shift in governmental system has affected many, Calypso industries still technically governs the majority of the sector, however its rule is very much liquid. A single default on its already skyrocketing debt or any further internal collapses could lead to any one of its competitors taking its place.
Aside from Calypso, four other major corporations play parts in the nation's politics:
- Lotus Bio Energy, a Libya-based corporation. Once a major part of Calypso Industries itself, it exists presently as a client of the reformed second Calypso Industries in the northwest. Unknown to most of the ruling elite, Lotus BE has recently begun resting on its laurels and actively exploits both sides of the Upper African corporate conflict as both factions continually grant them benefits in attempts to win their favour.
- Issawi Renewable Energy. Egypt-based company owned by the Prime Minister Nadir Issawi of the Upper African Parliament, with access to the most-well developed infrastructure within the entire sector. Despite supposedly acting on good terms with the corporation, it remains as the primary competitor of Calypso Industries, and above all wishes to destabilise and dissolve the sector.
- Najjar Renewable Energy Projects, a Sudan-based Issawi client that boasts extremely "efficient" (low) wage rates, rampant unemployment and poor working conditions. Whilst boasting an average eight hour day for its workers, the lowest in the entire sector, this only applies to paid hours, as many workers are forced by neccesity to work overtime simply to perserve their employment. The region also has the highest rates of suicide, mental illness and social hysteria within the whole sector, apparently not due to poor working conditions but instead due to genetics.
- Ousmane Renewable Energy. A Niger-based smalltime client of Calypso ruined by debt and degrading infrastructure. Its controlled area is subject to frequent strikes, public brawls between police and civilians, water shortages, famines, and power failures. In spite of its rampant poverty and food shortages, the region is well known to have the highest public confidence in riots and strikes, with the majority of its unions being greatly against any sort of non-violent demand for rights, a trend of which has recently attracted the attention of Mathieu Dalton as a key area to muster support for the foundation of his Liberated Union of African Republics.
Dozens of smaller clients, subordinate organisations and competitors do exist amid the five major companies. Their reaches of power change rapidly, often on a yearly basis. Most of this political competition occurs in built-up areas, where as the arid regions of the Sector are neglected.
The official military force of the Sector VII Upper Africa Zone operates under the title of United African Sectoral Defence Force (UASDF). Unified by acts of joint military aid provided by each sectoral member state, the force has on a large number of occasions been infamous for its vast disorganisation in everything from command structure to logistics, as well as its subjectivity to division between state identities and national defence forces. On many occasions, organisations and parliaments directing national events have instead had to rely on either pure usage of either the Egyptian Armed Forces or private military companies to see any promising results.
The UASDF have made it clear on numerous occasions that they are not in any way a sub-division of the UASF.
According to sources both local and international, the deserted regions of the sector not occupied by farms have reportedly been used for "satisfying" Calypso Industries curiosities regarding the possible development of personal nuclear weapons. However, other reports instead point toward the heightened usage of nuclear weapons on civilians in South Sudan as being evidence enough. Further sources of varying bias refute this entirely, instead recollecting a whole number of reasons about the detrimental implications such testing would have in the eyes of neighbouring sectors.
- Main article: Sector XIII North Eastern Africa
Since the slow decline of Calypso Industries' power and the assassination of Elder Duma, plans headed by the revolutionary and key member of Ghost_K Mathieu Dalton soon went underway for the establishment of an independent union of nations aptly named the Liberated Union of African Republics, with hopes for the full establishment of a self-sufficient nation with a minimal government regulated by Anarcho-syndicalist ideals. The nation's initial plans were to be the first "free non-capitalist nation" since the foundation of the Sector IX South American Zone A.
Since the Ghost K-led Sanctuary Terrorist Attack in March 2121, the plan has entered a progressive phase of negotiations and civil skirmishes. These tensions are predicted to escalate dramatically.
A major factor that has been challenging the implementation of a communist union in upper Africa is abolishment of the power vested within religious institutions, something which Upper Africa is highly dependant on. This has led to the creation of documents intended for handling changes into an Religion-tolerant Communist state. Unless a successful push for equality and an abolishment of theocracy is established within every individual religious sanctum sector-wide, support for the party is only increasing slowly, especially with it competing against the proudly Islamic Western Upper Africa.
Large populaces of Sudan, Egypt and Libya have currently supported the revolution, however North-western Africa has currently proven resistant to any negotiations due to a pridefully self-sufficient Calypso Industries cell still maintaining power in the region. Judging from the current political atmosphere and the personal estimates of Ghost_K, the likelihood of this cell taking violent action against Liberated Africa's supporters appears to be extremely probable.
Sector VII uses African Capitals as its primary unit of wealth (ACA, sign: இ), a free-floating market-valued commodity currency. One African Capital can be divided into 100 Centri-Capitals (ஐ).
Since the collapse of Calypso Industries, the currency has become relatively weak in world standards, having experienced a decrease in purchasing power due to its dependance on exports, furthermore resulting in noticeable inflation rates.
It appears to have been only retaining the bulk of its economical worth through any remnants of the nation's once prosperous biofuel industry that still export.
As of 2121, 13.44 African Capitals are roughly equal to that of a single 2012 US dollar.
The citizens of the Sector VII Upper African Zone vary tremendously across the sector, often unified only in their disparity. According to a 2117 sectoral census there is an overwhelming margin of working class citizens within the population, with only 29% of the population deserved of being entitled as middle class citizens. A fractional 1.5% own the majority of the wealth, land rights and power within the sector, all of which are in some way high-placed officials of Calypso Industries and/or any other of the four major ruling corporations.
It can be assumed on average 70% of the population have access to clean drinking water and 84% have access to electricity. According to charity organisations, only 5% live in slums, where as nearly all of the working class live instead in the vastly available apartment complexes. What is left out of this data is the fact that many of these structures still stand from when they were built in the late 2030's and early 40's, all still bearing the architecture of the era. Some structures have evidently been professionally patched up and renovated, yet many have seen no such privileges, instead having to rely on the handiwork of their inhabitants.
Outside of nationally observed Islamic holidays, and to a lesser extent Christian and Jewish holidays, there are a few secular holidays exclusive to the sector:
- Bring Your Boss to Work Day: Set on the 5th of November, it is a day that celebrates company managers appearing at their workplaces and sharing space with their employees' employees.
- Foundation Day: Set on February the 28th, commemorating the foundation of the Sector VII Upper African Zone. Traditionally the day is celebrated with free food and drink handed out to the public, however this was officially discontinued post-2118.
Weekends, whilst observed, are generally ignored by most businesses.
The de-facto language of upper Africa is Arabic, with English being the second most dominant. Due to the only moderately available education facilities available and lack of high-end jobs available to pay for such services, the amount of citizens within the populace incapable of proficiently speaking a second language is very high.
In order to function efficiently on a national scale in terms of business or culture, one is required to be multi-lingual. Other spoken languages include Russian, French, Italian, Turkish, Hebrew, Greek (Most especially with the nation of Greece being greatly influenced by the primarily African sector), as well as a multitude of native languages such as Berber and Central Atlas Tamazight.
Sector VII is noted as being one of the most highly religious nations of the world. Amongst smaller clusters of migrant religions such as Christianity, Spiritism, Judaism and etc, the official religion of the political zone is Islam. In fact, one iconic feature of the nation is the hundreds of mosques dotting the landscape, completely surviving the multiple political events and sectoral revolutions of the past century.
|Pioneering Political Zones|
|North American Alliance · Arab League · European Union · New African Alliance|
|2031-2076: The first twelve|
|I · II · III · IV · V · VI · VII · VIII · IX · X · XI · XII|