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People's Union of Africa
L'Union des Peuples Afrique
Sector VIII

Flag and State Emblem for the sector, depicting the communist hammer and sickle in the centre
Motto "A United and Strong Africa"
Anthem Let Us All Unite And Celebrate Together
Political centres Tshwane
Official language(s) English, French, Portuguese, Swahili, Afrikaans, Spanish, Multiple Other Native Languages
Member states Ethiopian PSR, Kenyan PSR, Tanzanian PSR, Mozambican PSR, Zimbabwean PSR, Swazi PSR, Sesotho PSR, South African PSR, Malagasy PSR, Batswana PSR, Namibian PSR, Angolan PSR, Ivioran PSR, Ghanaian PSR, Zambian PSR

*PSR: Peoples' Socialist Republic

President Chairman Chidiegwu Bezuidenhout
Prime minister Deputy Chairman Krystine Janse van Rensburg
Other officials Marshal of the Army Oluwafunmilayo Iolanda
Societal and Economical Development
Population 605,786,213 (including all claimed territories)
World superpower ranking 10
Main exports Mining (precious stones)

Biodiesel, Weapons, Ammunition, Consumer Goods, Low-end vehicles (China only)

HDI Medium to Low (Variable between regions; average of 0.532)
Democracy index Variable (Average of 3.9)
Controlling power National People's Assembly
Government type Maoist Socialism (de jure)

State Capitalism [Southern regions only], Anocracy (de facto)

Preceding political entities New African Alliance
Average crime rate High to low (variable between regions)
Crime control A- to D- (variable)
Unemployment 1-40% (variable)

Sector VIII, officially the People's Union of Africa (French: L'Union des peuples Afrique), is a disparate and loosely unified off-cast political zone once forged in the wake of the economical collapse of the New African Alliance and the ensuing political and social upheaval.

At the forefront of the revolution lay the African Communist Party, a political revolutionary party influenced by the Socialist revolutions in South America and Upper Africa, and dominated by ideas of anti-colonialism/western influence, peasant militantism, pan-African nationalism and a romanticised return to the "pre-colonial era of primitive socialism". Whilst its rhetoric found itself the most successful out of all other political forces in resonating with the vastly numerous peasant population of Southern Africa, and to a noticeable degree the newly grown working class born through the fast industrialisation imposed by the New African Alliance, the sector's isolation from advanced capitalist countries resulted in an abject failure to retain the economical and industrial prowess necessary to both actualise the material conditions necessary for socialism, and to combat the foreign-funded, technologically superior reactionary forces of both the old regime and those sent from other nations to contain and dispel the revolution.

Following a long and bloody period of revolution, counter-revolution and civil war, the African Communist party found itself withering to the point of being irrelevant to the working class, as its ideas and political methods failed to respond to the material conditions preventing socialism in Southern Africa. With its crippling isolation, the communist party instead turned to collaborationism with foreign imperialist powers, most notably China. From the dire circumstances facing Africa, the numbers within the party and embryonic socialist state government were continually replaced by a bureaucratic ruling class, as all meaningful power once held in the hands of the African working class (and to some degree the militant unity of the peasants) withered down as their numbers were relentlessly killed off by reactionary armies. This phenomenon of working class irrelevancy was coupled devastatingly with most industrial production needed to build socialism or any realistic and sustainable potential for strike action to exercise power against this rising new ruling class vanished, simply to prioritise mere survival from starvation, disease, and to defend against foreign armies.

To the present date, factions amongst the broad left have proclaimed Sector VIII as a degenerate worker's state, whilst to some, the inevitable result of "socialism from above", and to others, a failed revolution lost to imperialist interest. Amongst the vast spans of land lying in decentralised and panicked disorder in the face of economic strife and reactionary violence, an authoritarian regime echoing the days of the failed Russian Revolution and the rise of Stalin has risen from the ruins of the war-torn southwestern cape of the continent, radically industrialising and garnering control many millions of African people with the persuasive grasp of propaganda and military force, gaining support to a great degree simply for being the only source of food, employment and protection within the entire southern continent.


With discord sprouting immediately from the world energy crisis of 2038, the core of Africa's economical prowess, the New African Alliance, had crumbled. The continent of Africa was to once again enter an era of deeply afflicted political strife.


to be tidied up ~

With the onset of the world energy crisis, the prices of all necessary goods and services skyrocketed, strengthening poverty cycles and leaving additional millions of African people to die of starvation and disease. The refusal for the prices of food and other necessary goods to relax decades later despite the recovery of the world economy began to spark chaos within the African working and peasant class populations.

At the southern tip of the African continent, hostility bubbled and built up beyond all restrainable constraints within the majority of the oppressed and alienated South African working and peasant class. A revolution occurs in Republic of South Africa, overthrowing the state and deposing capitalist rule. The state apparatus was replaced by the dominant revolutionary maoist party, who then proceeded to function as their own state apparatus. The South African capitalist elite unlucky enough to not flee the nation quickly enough were purged, thrown up against the wall and shot in line with all others deemed as political enemies, including anarchists and other anti-maoist leftists amongst the usual bands of reactionaries. The economy and industry was nationalised as wages, living and healthcare standards see commendable increases.

Fuelled on the guerrilla action of peasants, the Republic of Namibia government soon fell. Namibia proceeds to be co-governed by Maoist Party of South Africa, as the Sector VIII Lower African Zone is officially established.

Nationalist reactionaries formed primarily from remnants of the Namibian and South African Military and backed greatly by foreign forces attempt to overthrow Namibian Worker's Assembly party in a coup d'etat, resulting in a lasting, bloody civil war between the Sector VIII Lower African Zone and Namibian-South African Nationalists.

Delegate revolutionary groups ad fuel to the flames of anti-state revolutionary ideas within Angolan industrial workers, worked practically to death by abysmal factory conditions and wages whilst their self-entitled managers absorbed the profits of all their labour. A fruitless riot against wage increases and higher workplace health and safety standards soon becomes a general strike, and later a riot in response to police aggression, as the widespread protests soon halt all means of production across the nation, eventually managing in sabotaging supply production for the Angolan and Namibian military. The Namibian police responded with violent fury, however found themselves outnumbered in the thousands. Namibian-South African Military Forces stationed in Namibia forced to temporary equipment, fuel and food rationing as supply lines are diverted, placing further pressure on other foreign industries to keep up with demands.

Angola re-founded as socialist republic, aligning itself with the Sector VIII Lower African Zone. In response to failing military advances, Namibian-South African Military Force is granted funding by the Sector III Central Asian Zone and Sector I American Zone to protect corporate interests in the region. Namibian Maoist government is swiftly overthrown by technologically superior reactionaries. Communist South Africa forced to radically industrialise its economy to compete with nationalist forces.

Zimbabwean government overthrown by Sector VIII guerillas.

Namibian-South African military government overthrown by Sector VIII forces after a month-long battle for the city of Windhoek.

Officials are quietly placed within both the National Worker's Assembly of Sector VIII and the reactionary nationalist government by Central Asian operatives, firstly offering the Maoist state the chance to align with the proudly socialist China and for indefinite military support until the reactionary army's defeat, in return for beneficial business and labour deals between the two sectors. Nationalist state threatened with invasion by Central Asia if military actions and sanctions continue, and their demands are swiftly met. All Namibian-South African forces called to disarm. Maoist revolution permitted to continue as necessary.

Trade pact between Sector VIII and Sector III formed, focussing almost exclusively on biodiesel. Sector III allowed cheap access to African biodiesel and a share of 16% of all profits (excluding private business profits).

Current status

African working and peasant class are exploited like never before, but their healthcare and education is cheaper than any of the western-aligned capitalist nations, reaching a point by 2121 where the average literacy rate and high school graduation rate for Southern Africans is higher than that in the United States.


Sector VIII spans a considerable portion of the southern parts of the African continent, through strict government control is restricted mainly to the southwestern coast. Officially most of East Africa is under the control of Sector VIII, starting with Ethiopia, and moving south toward Southern Africa where government authority is at its strongest. The majority of the population still loyal to the government have slowly made attempts to move south, though the government has been making efforts to keep the population sedentary.

To the far northern regions of the sector, the government has the least control, with rebel personnel firmly entrenched in the vast Ethiopian Highlands, and countless pirate forces lined up and down the width of Somalia's coastlines, which are the longest in Africa.

Outside of the influence of the National People's Assembly and the Chairman, the constant threats of civil war, terrorism, starvation and severe and widespread poverty cycles have left little in the way of promoting habitability and economical success. Crime, being a state construct, varies from region to region depending on definition of criminal offense. In terms of state law, which defines crime in typical post-colonial and maoist terms, sees its greatest prevalence in societies perverted by the capitalistic machinations of reactionary forces, those unguided by communal moral practices or terrorised by local warlords, and lastly regions of the unified state where authoritarianism blockades most populations from access to basic needs.

Administrative Divisions

  • PSRAngola Angolan PSR

    Map of Sector VIII, showing all People's Socialist Republics, allied nations, major warlord states and other bordering sectors

  • PSRBotswana Batswana PSR
  • PSRBurkina Faso Burkinabè PSR

Burkina Faso was incorporated into the union following a revolution orchestrated by Sankarists in the capital of Ouagadougou.

  • PSRComoros Comoran PSR

Increasing calls for secession has seen Comoros become embroiled in civil war between governmnt authories and Comoran separatists.

  • PSRCôte d'Ivoire Ivioran PSR
  • PSRCongo-Brazzaville Congolese PSR

Cities have been fortified to defend from spillovers from the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

  • PSRethiopia Ethiopian PSR

Totally ruined by the constant famines and civil war, Ethiopia is a dangerous state to visit. Ethnic tensions finally grew into full-blown conflict following the collapse of the New African Alliance in 2020. Government troops have been trying to restore order to the state, but like with so much of the sector, they have proven incapable of bringing lasting peace to Ethiopia as well as the sector itself.

  • PSRGabon Gabonese PSR

Surviving entirely on old petroleum supplies, Gabon has become increasingly unstable leading to large parts of it being annexed into the northern Angolan PSR.

  • PSRghana Ghanaian PSR
  • PSRkenya Kenyan PSR
  • PSRlesotho Besotho PSR
  • PSRmadagascar Malagasy PSR
  • PSRMalawi Malawian PSR

Remains one of the poorest and impoverished republics in the sector.

  • PSRmozambique Mozambican PSR
  • PSRnamibia Namibian PSR

​Since the decline of Sector-wide state control, Namibia has been one of the few nations capable of retaining the loyalty of its city-states with the exception of Kavango and Zambezi to the north-east. Far from an idol of pure communism, authoritarianism has grown steeply in state popularity as fears of anarchy and annexation by neighbouring city states grow. With constant political and military tension breaking out in response to the rise of violent authority, Namibia stands with Ethiopia as being one of the most dangerous nations to visit within the Sector.

  • PSRSouthAfrica South African PSR
  • PSRswaziland Swazi PSR
  • PSRtanzania Tanzanian PSR

By far one of the safest member states within Sector VIII, Tanzania was spared much of the conflict and anarchy that ripped into the much larger states that surrounded it. Much of the state was taken over by private armies and corporate entities seeking to profit from the lack of government authority in the region, and the wars around it that served as an initial buffer against government reprisals. The most powerful of these entities was Dhana Technologies, who governs the immediate area as the hegemonic power in Tanzania, safely located in the walled island city of New Zanzibar. DhanaTech has since been extending its control into other member states, gaining the support of rebels and anarchists who have been drawn to its side by the wealth and security they have been able to provide back in Tanzania.

  • PSRTogo Togolese PSR
  • PSRZambia Zambian PSR

A fairly developed socialist republic with 54% of its population comprised of rural subsistence farmers. The remainder of its population primarily mines and manufactures copper products - specifically cathodes - maintains maize and sugar cane farms, and harvests and prepares tobacco for distribution in national rations. The nation is dotted by multiple city states, and despite its managed industry remains rife with poverty and subject to frequent terrorism. Its peasant population, rather removed from Socialist politics and benefits, has quite frequently attracted the attention of terrorist and reactionary recruitment drives. A portion of the republic's eastern lands have been heavily occupied by DhanaTech military forces and numerous defensive installations, however the more neutral city states close to the region have remained noticeably unharmed. Seeing the local concentration of independent city states as mere squatters on the territory of the people, the African People's Army has been mobilised to dismantle the northern walls separating the republic from the warlord states in the north in an attempt to frighten them into dependance on the sector, resulting in spontaneous bouts of intense guerrilla conflict between city state and sectoral forces.

  • PSRzimbabwe Zimbabwean PSR

Other Aligned Nations

  • Flag of Somaliland Somaliland

Whilst officially under the control of Sector VI, Somaliland has retained a powerful degree of autonomy and alignment with Sector VIII, with the Arabian zone's extreme neglect over the Horn of Africa due to constant civil tension on home soil and a brewing paranoia of an American or Russian incursion across their northern front keeping most intervention attempts at bay. Whilst unifying government is incredibly loose, Somalia is listed as one of the states taking part in Sector VI's nuclear sharing program. With this, Somaliland has a high change of being granted stockpiles of nuclear weapons at any time deemed necessary by the Arabian State. It is very possible that such an event could lead to Somaliland forcefully breaking away from the sector, backed by nuclear weapons to further its cause. Through the guise of many prediction models, it's likely that Sector VI's temperamental nature could quickly escalate this into a localised nuclear war, however Somaliland itself striking first is a possibility that shouldn't be ruled out.

  • Flag of South Sudan South Sudan


The military forces of Sector VIII were once the greatest on the continent. However, following the collapse of the New African Alliance, corruption spread throughout the entire organisation from top to bottom, leading to desertions, mutinies, and massive amounts of money by squandered by high-ranking officials instead of re-equipping the army. The widespread disorder in the military have led to few units being properly trained or equipped for battle, leading to many defeats at the hands of rebel forces, and the breakaway of many cities who have gone off and formed states of their own within the sector itself. The few times the military has organised itself for a major offensive, it has been soundly defeated due to a lack of arms, munitions, vehicles, pay, and whatever else a reasonably-prepared military would have as a basic need.

Tensions with Sector VI and Sector VII have since seen the military whip itself back into shape as quickly as possible, with support from within the sector being provided to rebuild its forces. Many corporations such as Dhana Technologies have had an active role in re-equipping major military units in the nation, and get it back into fighting shape. With war on the horizon, the need to fast-track the slow but steady progress have been acknowledged. Currently, the best-equipped military units are located in South Africa, Tanzania and southern Ghana, where potential conflict and high-level targets are most commonly found. The military of Sector VIII is currently the largest on the continent, but the most poorly trained and equipped as of recent.

Central Military Commission

The LAPA is governed by an governmental organisation known as the Central Military Commission (CMC), which is made up of a general staff thoroughly vetted by the Politiburo and the Communist Party of Africa to ensure they are instilled with the basic principles of Maoist Communism. However, in recent years, many high-ranking generals have been able buy their way into the CMC, framing older, more loyal generals with treason and support of capitalism, and taking their positions following their rivals' executions. This round of cloak and dagger games have transformed the once professional CMC into a band of corrupt and scheming generals who care little for the state and its agendas, and more about lining their own pockets by skimming off most of the pay set aside for their soldiers.

African People's Army


Emblem of the LAPA

The African People's Army (LAPA) is the official military force of Sector VIII, consisting largely of poorly trained conscripts and outdated and outmoded equipment and weaponry. Most of the soldiers come from South Africa and Kenya, where the majority of the industrial capacity needed to equip and train these troops are located. The units of the LAPA are scattered all across the sector, and due to the anarchy which has come to dominate most of the sector, this military units are poorly equipped with many soldiers lacking weapons and munitions, and in other areas, failure to get reinforcements to replace battle-wary soldiers has led to an increase in PTSD, suicides and mass desertion by raw recruits. This issue is not as bad in the better areas of the sector, with more modern equipment readily available to those elite units jealously guarded by government officials for their own benefit.

People's African Red Guards

A paramilitary force known as the People's Red Guard of Africa serves as a citizens' militia, which is divided into divisions which are spread throughout the sector's member states. These units are very poorly-armed, and the motivation of these "peasant's militias" range from fighting for glory to fighting for food, where rations tend to be more reliable and regular than the food supplies in many city-states blocked off from trade routes by rival cities. These red guards are expected to absorb as much punishment as possible until the even more unreliable government military forces arrival to take over the task of absorbing the punishment and defeat handed to them by their enemies. Elsewhere, there exist the People's Elemental Forces, which serve as the government-sanctioned elementals, trained for battle and conditioned to carry out their orders with unflinching obedience.

Foreign affairs

The People's Union of Africa has been publicly aligned and supported by People's Republic of Central Asia since the establishment of the National Assembly and outlawing of rival political parties as part of its war communism procedures.

Due to the sector's disunity and industrial backwardness, its economy relies heavily on trade with other capitalist nations outside of the vast stockpiles of resources it sells to Central Asia.


The southern regions of the sector are ruled by a system of State Capitalism (or in other mainstream definitions, Bureaucratic Collectivism), where a bureaucratic elite within the Citizens' Premier Party of the United African Republics controls and exploits the working class to extract surplus. This wealth is distributed predominantly amongst the elite layer for personal gain, to maintain their rule, and to accelerate their geopolitical interests.

The Party has little control over the workings of the entire Sector outside of its bastion of control in the southwest, with each nation "officially" turning towards their own national governments, or "people's councils". Each government demonstrates varying degrees of alignment to the south, to other capitalist nations in the north and overseas, or internally. The lands once making up the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cameroon, the Central African Republic and Uganda have largely remained untouched by the sector.

All throughout the more disparate lands of the sector, a widely spread working class resistance has shown itself to exist - often in the form of workers councils and trade unions - born from the necessity of defending their way of life from terrorism, warlords, or their own regional governments, and by a more apparent unequal distribution of food and other necessities. The workers councils and unions are largely splintered and factional, operating through a vast spectrum of differing political motivations and doctrines. Despite the political variance, a vast current of reformist politics dominate the majority these groups, generally with the desire to re-establish the governments of Africa with Social Democratic parliaments, or through reforming the existing bureaucracy. Revolutionary politics are an abysmal minority, with most perception of revolution holding negative undercurrents associated with the failed revolution that founded the sector and resulted in the tyrannical regime of the present date.


Sector VIII has a wealth of natural resources including oil, diamonds, gold, iron, cobalt, uranium, copper, bauxite, silver, petroleum and cocoa beans, as well as woods and tropical fruits.

With most of its natural resources still laying undiscovered and barely harnessed, the region has historically attracted the attention of colonising European powers, and in recent history private contractors. With most easily obtainable oil supplies sold away during the years of the New African Alliance, the nation has since delved into the biodiesel industry, which manifested itself in overcrowded factories and vast algae farms managed by native African workers.

Following the onset of revolution in South Africa, Angola and Namibia and the long and costly fight to defend against counterrevolutionaries, as well as the spread of revolution across almost the entirety of the southern african coastline, much of southern Africa's industry has been nationalised. With the "revolution" having continued as an ongoing, bloody and near-endless process of wars with capitalistic and nationalist forces, much of lower africa has been fiercely industrialised out of necessity. However wages and employment rates have remained at acceptable rates, with many millions of workers - especially those in the much more developed southwestern regions - being instead paid with necessities due to the continual weakening of the African Worker's Capital.



A 50,000 African Worker's Credit note, depicting historical figure Nelson Mandela. Recent reprints depict an updated strip of flags in the upper right corner decorated in the socialist and pan-african colours of red, yellow, green and blue

Sector VIII uses African Worker's Credits as its base currency (AWC, sign: C) a free-floating currency employed to keep industry and agriculture functioning through capitalism whilst the revolution spread, and has since since grown to become an official, permanent sectoral currency following the rise and entrenchment of the bureaucracy.

Usage customs and ready acceptance in trade vary between regions. In well-off regions where the currency is denied, there is common use of the US dollar and Royal Euro, and some communes have been known to employ purely moneyless systems. In the lesser fortunate of regions, of which makes up a considerable portion of the sector's territory, mere food is ample enough currency.

In the decades since the Sector's downfall, the currency has experienced high inflation due to a failing, war-ravaged industry and increasingly larger circulations of money being printed to cheaply combat losses in purchasing power. There was also common reports of a rampant spread of counterfeit notes due to the banknotes initially having an average number of easily dodged anti-counterfeit features, which further damaged the currency. Through the unfortunate decades following the currency decreased in value heavily, and with the passing of several decades by the year 2121, a single US dollar equalled to that of 547.68 Credits.

The currency has recently been dependant on mining and biodiesel exports to retain any sense of wealth, with the majority of the African workforce finding most of its working hours and resources being sold away to Sector III biodiesel contractors.

Modelled off the economic policies of Cuba after its oil crisis following the collapse of the Soviet Union, in many regions of southwest Sector VIII the National People's Assembly actively encourages payment of food and necessities in favour of money to workers.





Elementals born in the People's Union of Africa are largely avoided by the populace if possible, and government protocol demands that any found are reported to the nearest military centre for immediate collection by government officials. These elementals are trained by the government to serve as officers and secret police, as well as assassins and bodyguards for high-ranking politicians. Many elementals, however, are known to have escaped from the military, and become dangerous criminals and warlords, who often form the bulk of the leadership found in the more archaic regions of Sector VIII. Many prominent warlords in the northern regions of Sector VIII are commonly elementals who escaped capture, and managed to build a hard, but free life in the lawless wastes to the north.

Southern Africa produces a disproportionate amount of Shadow, Fire, and Plant Elementals compared to the rest of the world, the former of which, while very rare in the world, are more commonly known to appear in the region when found. It has long been suggested, though never openly stated, that DhanaTech may be responsible for the increase in the number of Shadow Elementals found in Southern Africa. Its a known fact that DhanaTech founder and director, Ashur Icharia, is a Shadow Elemental himself, and that his company's products are often times amplified in effect when used by a Shadow Elemental. The government keeps a precise record of the number of elementals within its borders, though this number has long been classified as a matter of national security.


Before being unified under the communist regime, life expectancy within the sector was around 70 years for a white Africans and 50 years for a black Africans. Healthcare schemes were covered usually by minuscule percentages of national GDPs, with only 20-16% of most populations actually being covered by medical insurance. The remaining majority of the population depended on public healthcare systems to survive, organisations of which were frequently handicapped by extreme shortages of human and financial resources.

After the establishment of the Maoist regime in 2050, the vast divisions in life expectancy began to equalise with the establishment of free union-wide healthcare. Whilst not as advanced or financially secure as the facilities taken for granted by the western world, the new developments were still successful in slowing the HIV/AIDS and Malaria epidemics. Malnutrition halved within only half a decade, only to experience relapses in the following famines and economical stagnation in the decades to come. Unemployment dropped to practically 0%, as every working age African had the opportunity to take part in widespread public works through a variety of industries.

By 2095 governmental influence began to corrupt. The Supreme State of the People's Union of Africa lessened in influence as nationalism grew in popularity. With an increasingly low enforcement of state upon the populace in the premature attempts to simulate pure communism, few national powers could stop the foundation of self-proclaimed city states, with many of the state supporters and officials themselves feeling and acting upon closer ties to their home regions and families. With this gradual crumble came a simultaneous degradation of state healthcare. Whilst Aids remained low due to awareness instilled into family traditions, Malaria spiked suddenly. Different regions came under the influence of differing severities of racial segregation, in bias to both white or black Africans. By 2120, Southern Africa had become little but a pseudo-union of thousands of micro nations, with life expectancies, disease control and healthcare infrastructure varying greatly from state to state, and in many cases, being abandoned entirely to instead self-sync into the natural wavelengths of pure anarchy itself.


Human Rights

In Maoist tradition, all LGBTI+ rights and recognition is actively prosecuted by the The Citizens' Premier Party of The United African Republics due to officially being perversions of bourgeois culture.

The sector is infamous for having generally greater degrees of gender equality than its historically prosperous capitalist sister sector in the north. All noticeable wage differences between industries dominated by male or female workers have largely disappeared with the implementation of a single wage for all workers. All laws discriminating against women (with the exception of the granting of fair and free abortion on demand, which is only permitted in circumstances where not having one would endanger the woman's life) have been removed.

However cultural practices are very different, specifically in the realm of reproduction, which has been singled out as essential for maintaining the size of the working class by the bureaucracy. The practice of motherhood and family is praised by state propaganda as being the ultimate devotion to African socialism, with families of 5-7 children often targeted as being the prime example that all women must follow. Due to high unemployment and the availability of welfare grants for parents of children - increasing per number of children - materially many women within the sector find themselves with little to no opportunity outside of having children simply as a means to provide themselves and the rest of their immediate family with money.


In the south, most forms of stylistic architecture are abandoned due to the state belief that the new age of communism has rid lower Africa of the "muck of ages", and that the requirement for buildings to be attractive for capitalist sale or monarchist boasts of power is rendered unnecessary in the new age of practicality of frugality.


Forms of media exist primarily in the more developed southwestern regions, and are controlled exclusively by the Union Committee for Television, Internet and Radio Broadcasting (UCTIR). Programming includes multiple domestic and pan-national news programs, public announcements, various educational programs, some movies, documentaries, and live and recorded sports.

Privately owned broadcasters free from the influence of UCTIR are incredibly rare due to little funding and active governmental prosecution, with the largest and most actively prosecuted being DhanaTech-funded Tanzanian media itself.


The most widely used language is English, which has been adopted as a lingua franca of the political zone and used for diplomatic as well as official governmental affairs. French is also regarded as being an official language of the Sector as it has made facilitating trade agreements with the Euro Zone easier. Depending on the particular region, however, there is distinctive linguistic variety. Portuguese has been retained by several city states in Angola and Mozambique as their official language while Swahili thrives in Tanzania as their mother tongue. Countless other local dialects are still used due to an absence of cultural imperialism, with even Afrikaans remaining in use in South Africa.

Amharic has grown to become the main language spoken in the north, displacing Arabic, which has long been discourage by the government as a secondary language in an effort to discourage Ethiopian nationalism. Numerous government officials are expected to speak English, French and Swahili, which are the three largest languages in the sector. Native languages have remained confined to their traditional regions, such as Kikongo and Lingala, which are confined to the Angolan regions, and Akan, which is only found in a sizeable amount int Ghana and the Ivory Coast. The government continues to promote the three largest languages in the nation to build unity, and to prevent ethnic divisions between tribes.


Currently, the state religion of Southern Africa is State Atheism, which was promoted with the intentions to abolish the power of the church, however the private practice of religion remains, by law, unrestricted. The reality of the matter is that this state-endorsed belief is poorly enforced and widely ignored, even by institutions. Christianity is the largest religion, followed by Islam and traditional beliefs. Given the history of the region and the political agendas of the state, Islam is heavily-persecuted by the government with the justification of it being a socially backward religion littered with the ideas and traditions of the northern african and arabian ruling classes, and traditional beliefs are somewhat promoted, but under state-sanctioned teachings that blend the traditional beliefs with those of Christianity in addition to African nationalism.

Because of the wide-scale acceptance of Christianity, atheism has largely become an unpopular belief, and those citizens who publicly declare their irreligious status are openly mocked by others, even by government officials who are, by law, required to support state atheism. Given the anarchy within the sector, countless cults and followings have been established throughout Southern Africa by warlords seeking fighters to aid them in their "religious wars", and greedy businessmen who have no religious motivations, but create mock religions to get paying parishioners to "buy their way into heaven".

Pioneering Political Zones
North American Alliance · Arab League · European Union · New African Alliance
2031-2076: The first twelve
I · II · III · IV · V · VI · VII · VIII · IX · X · XI · XII
Post 2121

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