This article, Sector IX South American Zone A, is still being written by its owner Lither. They apologise for the inconvenience.
|People's South American Republic|
|Motto||Democracy Is The Road To Socialism|
|Anthem||Our Soil, Blessed By Our Sacrifice|
|Official language(s)||Spanish, Portuguese, many native languages|
|Member states||Brazil, Peru, Colombia, Venezuela, Bolivia|
|Population||69,724,802 (not counting immigrants; 582,666,436 before the Great American War)|
|World superpower ranking||7|
|Main exports||Various drugs|
|Controlling power||The Supreme Worker's Council of the People's South American Republic|
|Government type||Socialist democracy|
|Preceding political entities||Republic of South America|
|Average crime rate||1.2%|
Sitting behind the longest, largest and probably best fortress-complex (known as the "Line in the Sand") across the world lies Sector IX A, commonly known as the People's South American Republic. Born from ideals twisted by the necessity of a grand, terrible war the likes of which had not been fought for decades, the PSAR is infamous for being one of the most lethal countries in the world, though also retains exceptional crime rates and vastly better healthcare system than most of it's more capitalist counterparts.
The PSAR originated as what was described as the "world's most oppressive dictatorship" for some time. Formed from a reactionary Jingoist government in Brazil making rapid conquests of all of the South Americas, annexing it in it's entirety within a mere five years. The government declared itself to be the Republic of South America. Its secret police sent every dissident it could find to forced labour camps where they world work as slaves until they died, generally of malnutrition. Unfortunately, the secret police became extremely corrupt and dissidents needed only to pay the right person, assuming they could find them, and every negative mark on their record was deleted. This made the forming of revolutionary groups rather easy compared to other nations of the time.
When the nation began to incorporate corporatist elements, however, the people had enough. A strike, completely illegal in the RSA, gained immense popular support, so much that most of the police sent to break them up instead joined the strikers, the remaining realising they were of too few to break them up. The Revolutionary Democratic Socialists were the most popular non-government party and experienced a surge of popularity from the strikes, which they had organised.
The armed forces were sent in next. What started as a strike turned into a riot, then into a revolution. Not every side supported the RSA, however. Argentina, Bolivia, Uruguay and Chile united under the Reactionary Prosperity Party, a party which called for replacing the leader who could not suppress this leftist revolution. It became a three-sided war, the RPP, calling for a change of leaders and not of government who would fire upon the RSA with special hate, the loyalist forces which were appallingly few, and the RPD, calling for a liberal socialist democracy.
Eight bloody years of revolution followed before the Revolutionary Democratic Socialists managed to overthrow the loyalist government. However, the RPP still controlled large amounts of land and had mostly unscathed forces due to hiding away from the combats and letting the RSA taking the brunt of the casualties. One year more of attrition warfare followed that, notable for taking more lives than the revolution itself, before the leaders of the conflict finally decided to call if off.
The RSA had managed to capture Bolivia but were unable to push any further into RPP territory for any deal of time. The RPP had too few manpower to do anything but hold onto its territories and hope for the best. At the peace treaty, both agreed to recognise the other as a legitimate nation, create a demarcation line between the two nations (which both later broke) and keep the territories it had ended with in the Revolution. Both sides left humiliated and feeling like the other ended up better off. The nation of Upper South America was declared.
After the victory, there left a great deal of rebuilding to do. Much of the country had been torn up in the civil war, with the costs of rebuilding falling into the hands of the new government. However, against all odds the government managed to rebuild most of the country before the Great American War. However, this is largely forgotten in the light of the reforms of the democratic socialist government. Among others, they nationalised industries and created a one-wage policy ensuring the minimum wage was the highest in the world, eight hour maximum work hours for full time jobs, free and equal voting rights, secret ballots and free healthcare. This worried the world, which at the insistence of the Central American Zone set in a complete embargo.
The American Line, a massive line of forts at land and on the shores, was created with spare resources during that time as the leader believed, quite rightly, that he was facing a world that was determined to crush him and establish a corporatist nation again.
Great American War
Despite the signing of peace treaties with North and Central America, Sector IX and Sector X remain in a state of war. More than a decade of war has demonstrated the remarkable resilience of the economy of both sectors, as both appear fully capable of continuing the war. The frontlines have since stabilised entirely along the original borders, with monolithic fortifications stretching from coast to coast and inwards nearly four kilometres on both sides. Despite the apparent futility, both sides are determined to fight until the other is utterly erased from the maps. Though initially the destruction of the Imperial Air Force's operational capability allowed upper South America to conduct a bombing campaign against all southern economic and military targets, North America has since engaged in large lend-lease programs to allow the south to challenge the air dominance. Now the war is mostly fought in the skies as both sides understand that the one who controls the air controls the land and the sea.
The last major battle of the war was the so-called Summer Offensive, where an army group led by the charismatic Marshal Augusto Felipe launched an assault on the fortifications at Uruguay. Obtaining air superiority and using close naval units to supplement artillery, the attack managed to break the primary defence lines at great cost of life in five hours, before a three-day assault on the secondary line. Eventually, the secondary lines were captured, however neither side was in no state to continue. Of the original army group, a mere two hundred thousand were combat capable, having lost approximately four hundred thousand casualties and another hundred thousand dead. Demoralised and disorganised, they were forced to halt their actions, as the Imperial Air Force began to challenge the temporary dominance of the skies and the navy was driven off at the Battle of the Uruguayan Coast. After capturing a mere seven hundred metres of land for all their losses, the frontlines have not shifted since.
The Great American War is currently considered the most lethal war in history, taking the lives of an estimated ninety million soldiers across the Americas. Approximately a third of military deaths came from Central America. The total number is considered absolutely extreme after the casualties from the nuclear holocaust were estimated. Some anthropologists have taken to calling the Great American War the "South American Genocide".
Both sides have suffered severe side-effects from the nuclear strikes during the North American withdrawal. Massive earthquakes changed swaths of terrain. Entire cities were forced to be rebuilt. Widespread crop failure caused a temporary famine that ended after new trade deals were signed with the Euro Zone. The socialised healthcare system was quickly inundated by masses of people harmed by the strikes, to the point where mass-euthanasia was performed on those too severely injured. Even today, birth defects, genetic issues and cancer rates remain extremely high in the worst-affected areas, prompting some health officials to accuse the North Americans of using dirty bombs.
The PSAR is one of the few examples of an almost completely self-sufficient economy, born out of necessity with no trade allowed between it and any other nation, though that was later relaxed as trade opened up between Sector IX and the Euro Zone. The embargo was initially placed upon them by the North American Zone, however under great political pressure other nations agreed to force an embargo on to them. Its natural resources but especially its spy network allow it to keep mostly up-to-date on innovations. It also is a puppet of the International Worker's Union, forced into supplying it with goods and allowing large IWU bases on their territory (something which is common knowledge and celebrated by Upper South Americans who see it as supporting the international worker struggle).
Despite this, the continuous guerrilla war and the devastation from the scorched earth retreat of the Triple Alliance from the occupied territories that saw entire villages in front of the firing line, the agriculture has not yet recovered despite multiple successful programs to improve farmland capacity. The average farming commune produces quadruple that of the immediately post-relative ceasefire levels but total agricultural production has not yet recovered.
Sector IX has legalised drugs that are classified as less or as addictive as tobacco, and less or just as harmful as alcohol. However, the mass exports of drugs to Sector IV to fund the war machine have lead to most workers rarely seeing any of them.
As the sector considers the notion of "owning" to be an entirely consumerist result of commercial enterprise there are no such thing as trademarks or copyright laws within Sector IX. However, Sector IX rather pragmatically applies copyright laws and patents to any product of Sector IX outside of IX and has gone as far as to use military might to ensure their inventions are not copied by those who will abuse it in the name of personal gain.
Despite this, Sector IX does recognise the difference between private property, which it believes inherently capitalistic, and personal property which it believes a fundamental right.
Sector IX is a sector that by necessity has had to become highly industrialised to survive. The industry produces enough goods for all of its citizens, however many luxury goods such as wines and fancy clothing simply do not exist. Furthermore, without capitalist violation and asserting control of the collective consciousness of the proletariat the sector has had its fashion styles frozen at the year the sector was formed in all respects. Faced with outdated styles of construction, clothing and art (wiped backwards a couple hundred years to the enforcement of socialist realism) many have, erroneously, concluded that the nation is a backwards one of no real importance. In truth the industry, formed with the belief of all workers being equal, is considerably more fragile and liable to come to ruin under the stress of war. However, the focus on workplace equality has lead to more enthusiastic workers than the other, more focused on the upper class nations. The industry was considered once to rival all other American industrial capacities and managed to outpace all other American industries uniting against it. Unfortunately, nuclear strikes used to cover the North and Central American withdrawals caused widespread devastation to the major industries with more collapsing due to supply problems afterwards. Having to repair and rebuild the main industries has been one of the major causes of the continued stalemate.
The nation had nuclear weaponry at once point, which were used in a retaliatory strike on Lower South America after the North American attacks. Lower South America was chosen as a target as there was little chance of further retaliation and it was the only Sector not already withdrawing from the conflict. Currently it maintains breakout capability of nuclear weapons.
Primarily, Sector IX is an economy that produces mostly basic goods. Fierce opposition, both ideological and opposition within the bureaucracy that doesn't want extra work, to luxury goods has resulted in Sector IX producing so many basic goods as to have a large surplus. The civilian population do not get to enjoy those, as they are sent over to the Euro Zone as part of trades for developed goods, the Euro Zone getting cheap basic goods while South America gets valuable goods such as electronics. Notably, South America is one of the largest producers of cocaine destined for European markets.
The electricity industry is under constant stress due to massive power requirements of the war machine. Fuel shortages and rolling blackouts are common within South America. To counteract this, all new houses are required by law to have solar panels to reduce the energy issue and the government is attempting to build new low-maintenance power stations.
The industries themselves are not safe from democracy. Workers are considered equal, and elect their workplace leadership each year. Every workplace is required to be run as a cooperative, which has caused some tensions from small family businesses, however has aiding in building democracy in every sphere of life.
MoneyNotably, Sector IX is not a moneyless state. Workers are paid on a scale of how much they work, generally resulting in leadership earning slightly higher wages on average. Wages are below the poverty line, however money is only ever used to purchase "optional" goods - goods that are not freely given to the citizenry for reasons generally related to shortages - which are few these days but had a vastly larger line when the system was implemented in the Great American War. The money is not recognised outside of Upper South America, and they have an export-only currency that has sparked many jokes about being paid pretend money.
The domestic currency is known as the South American Revolutionary Real. There is a small foreign interest in the Real, mostly currency collectors, however the currency itself is rare outside of Upper South America. As it is not recognised outside of Upper South America, it is very rare to ever find.
The export currency is known as the South American Euro, which is pegged to the Royal Euro at a 1:1 rate. Only the Euro Zone trades in South American Euros, as no other sector recognises that currency, either.
Despite its necessary isolationist policies, or perhaps because of, Sector IX remains highly competitive in the realm of technology. So far it is the only Sector to have discovered the secrets of cold fusion, which has replaced all other sources of civilian electrical power generation within Sector IX. Furthermore, shortages of synthetic oil due to the constant embargo has resulted in Sector IX developing vehicles with highly developed clean fuel cells. Those fuel cells, however, are notably volatile and so the military forces still use what little synthetic oils Sector IX makes to power their own vehicles when purely electrical vehicles are impractical.
The sector's culture is firmly anti-imperialist. However, there is lingering longing for the lost territories and unification with their cultural kin in the south.
As a result of a concerted government effort the defining belief with the people of Sector IX is one of equality, that nobody is worth any more or less than any other person. Unfortunately, however, this had a rather negative effect of having the people extend the belief to all people under the sun. The people of Sector IX will not tolerate any war of imperialism, though a war of cultural unification is still a strong sentiment in the eyes of many.
An emerging trend has been notable within South America. As socialism continues to be the word of the day, society continues to transition into an anti-individualistic society that believes in group actions over the individual. Individual successes are often ignored and neglected in favour of remembering achievements made by a group. This view most certainly seems alien to anyone from the fiercely individualistic culture of capitalism.
Invasion fiction has experienced a renaissance in South America, with films, books and other cultural products. Invasion fiction itself deals with occupation by a foreign power, in South America's case, it usually involved forced unification and embracing of a totalitarian capitalism. The most common nations occupying the PSAR are, by order of frequency, North America, Lower South America and Australia. Social psychologists attribute this to the PSAR's uncertain international ground, recent invasions and paranoid isolation in a sea of enemies.
Sector IX is a dictatorship of the proletariat. It formally declares itself a democracy, however the State has been carefully constructed to be intricate and detailed enough that one individual cannot have much power, out of fear that any one person could take power and lead to another tyrannical dictatorship in Latin America. This is accomplished through heavy reliance on participatory democracy and industrial democracy, with representative democracy only used for the few circumstances where neither would be practical. As a result, the position of Chairman is, while touted as the ultimate authority, has little power over the course of the nation.
The National Elections of the People's South American Republic occur a four-year basis, with each election fixed in place and can only be changed through referendum. Each party as a whole receives a number of votes and receives a percentage seats of the Supreme Worker's Council of the People's South American Republic (the number of seats is equal to 0.05% of the population counted at the same time in national censuses). Originally, only those above eighteen could vote, however due to the devastation of the Great American War, the age has been reduced to sixteen, and occasional national debates spark about reducing it to fourteen. The Chairperson of the party that receives the most total votes becomes the President of the People's South American Republic, a position that exists with very little actual power, as nearly everything the President can do requires a successful referendum, and all the President can do requires a majority vote from the Supreme Worker's Council of the People's South American Republic. People who complain about the system the loudest tend to get put in place as the Chairperson of the dominant party. In addition, any politician in the Supreme Worker's Council of the People's South American Republic can put forth a bill to referendum as long as they can get more than five supporters in the Supreme Worker's Council of the People's South American Republic. Because of this, houses generally have electronic voting booths in them.
Continuing this trend, the political powers are highly decentralised. There are no state governments as can be found in areas like Sector I and XII, as their powers have been wholly subsumed into the local level in what is termed the People's Local Electorate, grassroots democratic organisations whose original purpose was the confer as much of the power onto the people as possible. Notably, they are the ones who the popular militias are ultimately responsible, inevitably resulting in the popular militias being on their very best behaviour to ensure re-elections. They also hold the power of raising taxes, which can be as high as 50% and usually go to local efforts such as public transport, funding cultural projects, environmental conservation, local public transport, farming aid, and anything else the popular councils see fit to fund. Because of this and the socialist system, the national tax rate can be set to as low as 5% of the person's total income, with that money mostly going to military means and great projects far beyond the scope of even multiple councils together such as national high-speed rail, healthcare, and the omnipresent confederal bureaucracy.
Some foreign observers claim that Upper South America is closer in practice to a confederation of small tribes for the greater good. Upper South America is known for embracing that idea and branding it as an example of popular community power creating a resilient and powerful system. Indeed, the low national tax rates and functional local autonomy has created a system where the national government is only needed for ensuring the system runs in an acceptably integrated manner.
Notably, Sector IX is one of the extremely few Sectors that do not have a death penalty. For serious crimes the guilty party has a habit of falling down flights of stairs into boxes of rifle ammunition. The penal system is based around reform and reintegration, minimising the reoffending rate. Despite this, arrest records often get lost in the bureaucratic quagmire and result in people serving extended sentences for minor crimes or even living out their life behind bars. They do get compensated if they're discovered.
Sector IX does not have wrestling, boxing, or any violent sport matches on prime distribution, having been outpaced by the sheer brutality and violent chaos that occurs in the political arena. Indeed, a culture of violence has grown around the bloody fights, with combatants stopping in hourly intervals for tea, biscuits and medical attention. Sometimes the injuries get so severe that medical teams equipped with batons and riot shields battle their way through the violent crowds to gather up a badly wounded politician. No fatalities have yet resulted, but the fights continue to grow more frequent and injuries more severe, including one notable incident where eight members of the Supreme Worker's Council were hospitalised following a debate about grammar in political documents. Twelve politicians were additionally arrested for attempting to bring weaponry into major debate sessions.
The major parties of Sector IX are as follows.
- Alternative Socialist Party
- The NPLA currently hold a 44% seating in the Supreme Worker's Council and the seat of the Chairman. They aim to unify Latin America, most likely by force, oppose spending on social welfare in favour of military spending and attempt to remain relatively isolationist towards the rest of the world. Detractors call it a modern Juche ideology.
- Alliance of Socialists
- The PUSA was the original party that formed Sector IX, and themselves formed from a merger of eight far-left political parties. With 31% of the Supreme Worker's Council seats, it makes up the largest opposition to the NPLA. They strongly support internationalism and aiding socialist movements around the globe, oppose the war with the south and hope to bring peace before focusing on domestic issues.
- Reformed Spartacist League
- A small party that has in recent years seen a strong growth, the URP seeks to remove the old bureaucracy and replace it with a more efficient system quickly and by any means necessary. They own 13% of the seats of the Supreme Worker's Council. They have an ultra-hardline attitude towards foreign policy, which has resulted in a growth of support of many military officials and nationalists. They call the Alternative Socialist Party the "running dogs of capitalism".
- Honest Socialist Party
- A fringe party intending to transition South America into a capitalist republic, they have since lost significant support to the URP, and sit with 8% of the Supreme Worker's Council seats.
- Alliance of Countrymen
- Another fringe party supporting right-wing socialism.
Sector IX uses conscription to fill out the military ranks, instead of the completely volunteer military of its predecessor. All citizens are required for two years of military service upon turning eighteen or finishing secondary school, after which they are a lifetime member of the reserves. Foreign observers frequently make claims that the conscription serves as a way to ensure the population has been indoctrinated into their ideology. In truth, it is one rare instance where Sector IX has valued ideas above power.
To Sector IX, the idea of a completely volunteer military is a terrible thought. They note that in completely volunteer militaries a culture of superiority frequently grows around them, and it is completely incompatible with Sector IX's values. Furthermore, such a military never truly represents the people, being made of only those with a military mindset. Rather, the conscription attempts to address these issues. They do not want an elitist military, they want a military that truly represents the people, one that was never intended for a war of aggression but will not yield an inch before an aggressor.
There are some opponents within IX who point out that the conscript army cannot compete with a professional military. They note that the quantities of people who are unsuitable recruits cuts into training time and budget as the military now has to bring them up to standard before proper training begins. They also note that they suffer from lower morale poorer discipline and higher desertion rates, as many within the ranks don't even want to be in the military, let alone fighting for a Sector. Sector IX instead refutes that the people will fight far harder in their own homeland and make up the difference.
Notably, the Great American War, especially the occupation policies, decimated the eligible conscript numbers and so Sector IX was forced to rely increasingly on the young and old to defend the nation. In time as a pseudo-ceasefire settled across the front lines, the population is showing signs of recovery, albeit limited by the frequent terror attacks.
Worker Defence Corps
These corps exist officially to unite the workers against imperialist aggression and reactionary attacks. They are voluntary organisations established in the farming and mining cooperatives arming civilians, giving them basic training and preparing them to fight in loose militias. They are armed with any weapons they can get their hands upon, generally military arms phased out of service and armoured vehicles are not uncommon. Furthermore, they have powers of arrest and can serve as a rudimentary police force in a pinch. Accused by North America to be propagating totalitarianism through a guise of involvement, the reverse is true. The collectives and especially the Worker Defence Corps have been frustrated by the inefficiency and incompetency of the bloated centralised state bureaucracy and so serve as hotbeds of political agitation aimed at reforming the state.
Patriotic Young Communist Worker's League
The PYCWL is an national youth organisation for those comrades between the ages of twelve and seventeen whose leadership was made up of comrades too old to serve in the military. Despite being predominately a social organisation for young communists to meet and build social relationships in a militaristic atmosphere encouraging proper development of the new generation, during the desperation of the Great American War, the entire organisation - numbering some four hundred thousand nationally - was transformed into a conscript organisation for those too young or too old for compulsory service. Due to almost immediate material shortages involved in the general mobilisation, the PYCWL was often stuck with weaponry that was removed from museums or deep storage, such as bolt-action rifles. Only the luckiest had any form of armour, and occasional food shortages hampered morale even further. Few had more than one set of fatigues that would not be replaced when damaged. Their use depended on which theatre of war they were assigned to.
In the Northern Front, against the North American military, initial combat experience demonstrated them to be mostly useless, however were fielded in front-line duties on account of chronic manpower shortages. Despite generally performing poorly, they were remembered for the Battle of Caracas, where the PYCWL who were mostly lead by Revolution veterans managed to launch a successful delaying action at extremely high cost, allowing the shattered Eighth Army to withdraw safely. PYCWL members who were captured by the North Americans were not considered combatants, and suffered high rates of rape, torture and summary executions. To this day, few PYCWL members have been released from North American captivity.
In the Southern Front, they were instead deployed as guerrilla fighters wreaking havoc from behind Lower South American lines. In casualty rates, they were just behind the Northern Front, however due to lack of military medical infrastructure for guerrillas, the dead vastly outstripped the Northern Front.
In the North-Western Front, against the Central Americans, the PYCWL were used as front line infantry, where they were demonstrably better soldiers than the average Central American soldier. They averaged a four to one casualty ratio and were known for outmanoeuvring the relatively inept Central American leadership.
After the worst of the Great American War ended, the PYCWL were demobilised as a fighting force and sent back home. War veterans are known as the Lost Youth, on account of extremely high rates of mental illness and a general feeling of social alienation. Several support groups have been founded to aid in rehabilitating the Lost Youth.
Despite enjoying significant popular support, advisors from the RWA, their neighbours to the south and enemies in the north are involved in funding, training and equipping the small number of disgruntled civilians. Frequently aided and abetted by the clergy, these reactionary terrorists attack settlements as far away from government power as possible. The preferred targets of the reactionaries are rural hospitals and schools that were build to attempt to raise the standard of living for the rural poor. The attacks at their height got to the extent that a reform was passed requiring all medical staff and youth workers to enrol in the Worker Defence Corps.
However, South America is often used as a first deployment ground by the IWU, who have no intention of defeating the insurrection but instead consider it the perfect grounds to give field experience to fresh Workers. Despite the cynical motives, this has lead to public support for the International Worker's Union and has resulted in South America being one of the largest contributors to the revolutionary cause.
The equipment of Sector IX is generally built around a focus on mass-producibility and reliability, due to the necessity of equipping the large military force and the Worker Defence Corps in the post-Great American War society.
- Armament Works 116: The AW-116 is a submachine gun. Not particularly outstanding, its virtue is being cheap, easy to mass-produce and reliable even under the most extreme conditions. Excelling at close range, they've been widely adopted by South American special forces, the IWU and even copied around the globe.
- Armament Works 120: The AW-120 is a general PDW upgrade from the AW-116 aimed at increasing interchangeability between the IWU and IX military forces as well as remedying some critical shortcomings from the AW-116. Instead of using the old 8mm pistol round from the AW-116, they since upgraded to a 6.5mm rifle round, of the type commonly used within the IX military, allowing it to overcome body armour at ranges that foiled the AW-116. The entire body was considerably lightened by replacing much of the wrought steel with synthetic plastics with the same strength and durability, new rifling increased the accuracy at range, gas-operated recoil dampeners offered a slight recoil reduction and new rails were added to allow optical sights and heavier bayonets to be mounted.
- Multiple Launch Anti-Armour Guided Weapon: The MLAAGW has been a highly successful anti-armour system, even showing some effectiveness against fortified emplacements and infantry. It has been through several incarnations, and adopted by the IWU.
- Imperatriz Factory Complex Design Bureau Product 228: The IFCDBP-228 is the body armour issued to all Upper South American units. It is noticeably heavier and affords better protection than the Lower South American designs, however this comes at the cost of being louder and more difficult to move in.
- Tarapote Factory Complex Design Bureau Product 131: The TPCDBP-131 is IFCDBP-228's biggest competitor for the sole armour of the People's South American Republic. Employing the latest in active camouflage, the TPCDBP requires a heavy power cell located on the back that has limited additional function as a field pack. The downside is that with that weight they are only able to mount light armour. Due to this and the high production requirements, only reconnaissance and special forces units are equipped with the TPCDBP-131, however of late a national inquest has been launched to compare the two armours effectiveness.
- Type 20 Main Battle Tank: The T-20 MBT is a main battle tank designed around opening up a break in enemy lines. The cannon is a large, powerful gun that is sometimes called an artillery piece. It can fire anti-tank rounds that have proven effective against fortifications or case shot rounds that have proven highly effective against exposed infantry. The frontal armour is heavier and stronger than their contemporaries, however balanced by having thinner side and read armour. The engine is highly fuel-efficient allowing it to exploit breakthroughs for longer periods of time and is capable of speeds greater than a hundred kilometres an hour, paid off by the engine being the most unreliable part and most frequently needing replacement or repair.
- Type 21 Infantry Fighting Vehicle: The T-21 IFV was a successful project to build an effective IFV. The T-21 was based upon the T20, with some major differences. The armour was lightened and some frontal armour redistributed to the sides, the cannon replaced with a revolver cannon and the whole chassis was elongated to fit eight seats in the back. The eventual goal is to equip all Upper South American non-light infantry units with the T-21 IFV. Because of the design similarities, many T-20 MBT and T-21 IFV parts are interchangeable, reducing bureaucratic difficulties with supply units and aiding repair.
- Popular Revolutionary Research Unit Design 23: The PRRUD-23 is an experimental aircraft designed using stolen Gourou J-107 Adapted Strike Fighter designs and reverse-engineering the AAC Drongo. Aimed at replacing the highly unreliable Dachshund Interceptor, the project has met with only lukewarm reception in government positions that already suffer from thinly-spread resources, however the People's Air Force of South America formally supports its mass production.
|Pioneering Political Zones|
|North American Alliance · Arab League · European Union · New African Alliance|
|2031-2076: The first twelve|
|I · II · III · IV · V · VI · VII · VIII · IX · X · XI · XII|